Introduction by Alison Fong, Nanyang Technological University. Published on February 13, 2025.
The Japanese Occupation of Malaya dismantled established social and economic structures, forcing families to rely on the black market for survival. Although middle-class male brokers, or “mushroom millionaires,” dominated public narratives of the black market, women—particularly housewives—played indispensable roles as buyers, brokers, and suppliers.[1] Female members of households that had lost male breadwinners in the chaos of the invasion turned to illicit trade to sustain their households. Lacking access to formal economic networks, they built clandestine supply chains through kinship and neighbourhood ties, leveraging even maternal identities to secure resources. In this sense, their participation blurred traditional gender boundaries. However, unlike their male counterparts, women faced additional risks—both from Japanese authorities, who subjected them to harassment and abuse, and from social expectations that cast moral scrutiny on their participation. While male survivors often framed their black market involvement as entrepreneurial, women were more likely to present it as a survival strategy, reflecting the gendered moral anxieties of the time.
The pervasive threat of sexual violence further restricted women’s mobility, forcing them to adopt various strategies for safety. Memories of Japanese atrocities, including those in Nanking, heightened fears within the Chinese community. Despite these dangers, women did not remain confined to their homes. Many disguised themselves as old servants, left their hair uncombed, and avoided makeup to deflect unwanted attention. Mothers cut their daughters’ hair and dressed them in boys’ clothing to reduce the risk of abduction. These efforts to obscure their identities allowed women to navigate public spaces with reduced risk, enabling their continued participation in illicit economies. By exercising discretion and leveraging social ties, women asserted economic agency within an environment that otherwise marginalized them.
The success of female black marketeers was partly due to prevailing perceptions of women as “petty” or “insignificant” offenders, which shielded them from the full force of Japanese law enforcement. The Japanese imperial police focused their efforts on dismantling large-scale operations run by male traders, particularly retailers and business owners involved in high-risk, high-value transactions. These men were seen as economic threats, as their activities directly undermined Japanese wartime policies on rationing and controlled distribution. Crackdowns on male black marketeers were common, with newspapers reporting arrests and harsh penalties, reinforcing the notion that illicit trade was a male-dominated sphere. Women, by contrast, operated on the margins of the black market, engaging in smaller, low-risk transactions that largely escaped official scrutiny. Their activities often revolved around acquiring essential goods—such as rice, salt, sugar, and clothing—through social networks rather than formal business structures. Because women’s dealings were typically informal and conducted within domestic or communal spaces, they were less visible to authorities. This allowed them to continue participating in illicit trade while avoiding the aggressive policing efforts that targeted their male counterparts.
Additionally, gendered expectations played a role in law enforcement priorities. The Japanese administration generally viewed women as economic dependents rather than independent agents capable of orchestrating large-scale smuggling or profiteering. Authorities were more likely to dismiss women’s participation in the black market as acts of necessity rather than deliberate defiance. This perception allowed female traders to operate with relative impunity, as enforcement measures focused on the more visible, structured networks controlled by men. However, this relative invisibility did not mean that women were immune to risks. Those who became too prominent or whose dealings intersected with major smuggling networks could still face arrest and punishment. Yet, for many women, their ability to navigate these legal blind spots enabled them to sustain their households and build economic resilience amid wartime scarcity. Their strategic use of discretion, social ties, and perceived moral legitimacy as caregivers allowed them to evade the harsher consequences faced by male black marketeers, further reinforcing the gendered dimensions of illicit trade under Japanese rule.
The following section examines two key sources that shed light on the gendered dimensions of black market activities during the Japanese Occupation. The first is a set of economic crime prevention guidelines issued by the Syonan Special City Police Department, which provides insight into how Japanese authorities sought to regulate illicit trade, with a particular focus on retailers and business owners. These guidelines reveal the official stance on black market operations, outlining specific offenses and enforcement measures that disproportionately targeted men engaged in large-scale transactions. The second source is an oral history interview with Mrs. Mary Lim conducted by the Singapore National Archives’ Oral History Centre. Her testimony offers a firsthand perspective on women’s participation in the black market, highlighting the strategies they employed to evade detection, navigate the risks of illicit trade, and reconcile their economic activities with societal expectations. By juxtaposing these sources, this section explores the disconnect between official policies and lived experiences, illustrating how women both conformed to and subverted the wartime economic order to ensure survival.
[1] Heng Chiang Ki, interview by Chua Ser Koon, February 2, 1982, reel 4, Japanese Occupation of Singapore, National Archives of Singapore.
Discussion Questions:
- How did the Japanese colonial administration seek to regulate economic activities, particularly through ethnic-based distribution and the “education” of distributors? What do these policies reveal about Japanese attitudes toward local economic practices and communities in Malaya?
- How does Mrs. Lim’s oral history challenge the idea that black market trading was primarily a male-dominated activity? In what ways did women like her navigate social and familial networks to facilitate trade, and how did this differ from official perceptions of economic crimes?
- How did women’s involvement in brokerage and informal trade reinforce or challenge gender norms during the Japanese Occupation?The oral history describes brokerage as both an economic opportunity and a survival mechanism. At what point does necessity-driven trade become seen as profiteering?
- Mrs. Lim describes brokerage as both an economic opportunity and a survival mechanism. At what point does necessity-driven trade become seen as profiteering, and how did participants justify their involvement in illicit economies?
- Why did Mrs. Lim insist that her trade was not part of the black market? What does this reveal about how participants viewed their own economic activities and the moral distinctions they made between legal and illicit trade?
- How do Japanese economic crime policies and Mrs. Lim’s account differ in their portrayal of illicit trade? What factors might explain these differences, and how do they shape our understanding of economic survival during the Japanese Occupation?
Source Information:
- [Original Publication]:経済違反取締指導上の参考 “Reference for Guidance on Controlling Economic Violations,” JACAR. (Center for Asian Historical Records) Ref.C14060667000, Police Department Meeting Documents, Showa 18.5.1 (National Institute for Defense Studies, Ministry of Defense)
- [Original Publication]: Mary Lim, interview by Low Lay Leng, Japanese Occupation of Singapore, Reels 3–4, Oral History Centre, Accession No. 000231, 1982.
Reference for guidance on control of economic crimes
[Syonan Special City] Police Department
First, Economic Police Guidance Method
In order to achieve the objectives of economic crime control, the Ministry of Industry and Trade will provide the following instructions listed on the left:
- In anticipation of the possibility that the detection of violations may result in the suspension of distribution of military-controlled materials, etc., distribution measures in such cases may be planned separately.
- A distribution organization will be established to ensure the fair distribution of essential commodities.
- When implementing rationing, we must avoid mere formal average distribution and instead provide actual, targeted distribution to those who truly need it.
- Distinguish between ethnic groups and determine distribution requirements.
- Correct the unfair distribution of goods based on ethnic prejudice.
- All items subject to the Military Administration’s disposal control and official price setting shall be labelled with the quality, name and price.
- For those who violate the economic law, we will suspend the distribution of goods or suspend operations and gradually work to improve the situation.
- Educate distributors and provide guidance to help them break away from the old ways and become aware of their role as distributors.
Second, precautions for supervision
- Crime detection generally focuses on arresting major criminals.
- When investigating violations, we will not stop at arresting the individual violators, but will endeavour to uncover major offenders by tracing them back to the source.
- In reality, many economic crimes are committed through “brokers” such as investigators and middlemen, and it is necessary to eradicate these malicious “brokers.”
- Identify fictitious stores and consumers who are receiving rations of controlled staple food items, and who are then trying to deviate from the control system and make excessive profits. If there are any cases where this is the case, we will first investigate the current business practices of each distributor and make efforts to eliminate counterfeit and duplicate ration coupons.
- There are illegal distributors who, when distributing to lower levels, are trying to reduce the amount of distribution and deviate from the control mechanism in order to make unfair profits. It is necessary to investigate the distribution situation.
- Regarding goods with official prices and goods for which the purchase price has been decided and which have been distributed, there have been cases of excessive profit-making hoarding and illegal practices by storage facilities. Therefore, we will maintain close contact with the issuing authorities, carry out intensive control, and endeavour to eliminate such illegal practices.
- The purchase of daily necessities at illegal prices is often made to businesses such as restaurants, and this is where the investigation into violations begins.
- Since some of the accounts of various distributors are difficult to trust, a substantial investigation should be carried out into the amounts of goods received and distributed by each distributor.
- Recently, various businesses have formed a penalty insurance association to jointly cover the penalties for economic crimes. However, when a violation is detected, the members of the association may be arrested as accomplices. It is necessary to conduct investigations into and attempt to destroy the above union organizations.
- The following are examples of evidence destruction and illegal activities that should be taken into consideration in the enforcement process.
- For large transactions, avoiding using checks or other bank slips and using cash instead.
- Making a sale or purchase with a redemption agreement
(Translated by Alison Fong)
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Oral History Interview with Mrs. Mary Lim, conducted by Low Lay Leng
LLL: You also mentioned that you were a broker. When did you actually start that business?
ML: Oh yes. When I was doing this brokering business, it was quite late… almost towards the end of the Japanese Occupation. I think in 1944. It just began with somebody having something to sell. And I just took the opportunity. And those were the days they were… giving more importance to food than jewellery. So you get to know many people, especially the Nyonyas. They sold off their jewellery and all that. And that time, some people sell, other people buy. So to think of the jewellery at the value of British currency and Japanese currency, during the Japanese time, you have all the banana money. You pay in thousands and hundreds. Hundreds is nothing, like one cent. So it was a good money to ask at that time. Also there’s a good market.
LLL: How did you get these contacts in the first place?
ML: Contact started with my uncle. He had two diamonds when he was doing brokering. So he passed on the two diamonds to me. And I had a buyer. It’s just a matter of telling people what you’re going to do. So the buyer was my cousin’s husband. So it started off from there. And of course in those days, you can add on to what you’re told to sell. So I must say that brokerage was very good. You get what you don’t expect… $30/$40,000. And you can easily make 5 to 10,000… Those were the days when people also learned to make small business. So you collect whatever they want to sell. Usually, it’s things like jewellery, watches. These are very cheap to them because their need is the money they want to buy food. So you get things sold and you’re not given any commission. It’s up to you how much you get add to the selling price quoted by the seller. So you can just add whatever you want as long as you don’t lose. They have money to buy. Those who have not they will buy. And those who have will sell.
LLL: How did you know who wanted to sell some things for instance?
ML: Friends. Happened to know some friends… you know, these are things which come to you quite… what shall I say… quite interesting—interesting to go about selling, interesting to collect, and interesting to know that you can make money.
LLL: Normally, who were the people that would sell things through you?
ML: Those people who may not need the things they have and knowing that I can just go and ask whether you want to buy this thing or that thing.
LLL: Their background?
ML: Their background. Not bad, their background. During the British time, they were quite rich. And some of them, they just seized the opportunity to sell more.
LLL: Were they Chinese or…?
ML: Chinese: my friends, in-laws, and my aunties. We were also dealing in rice. During the Japanese time, the Taiwanese were the people who made business a lot. My cousin happened to marry a Taiwanese. And he deals in rice so we can just sell off rice by the gunny sacks. And on top of that, we can make a profit also because we can buy from them. And we must get to know people who want to buy black market rice.
LLL: How did you get these people to buy from you?
ML: These people happened to be my relatives. Jewellery, more from friends; rice, my relative. This relative of ours happened to have a big family. And rice, the Siam rice, is very saleable to them.
LLL: So you only sold to your relatives?
ML: Yes, we don’t sell to others because at least our relatives understand us. If we were to sell to others, maybe we would be queried—where do we get it?
…
LLL: Do you know what was the Japanese attitude towards this kind of business?
ML: I don’t know, but they would not tolerate such things. Surely they would question you and all that. But we have a relative who’s understanding. Rice, anywhere and everywhere, they cannot buy; they have to go for their ration unless it’s through the Black Market. People do sell in the Black Market. And they found that the rice we sell to them is cheap. We have to sell because we cannot keep it in the home. So when the selling is over, the person who buys distributes. Because my aunty happened to have a big family—all daughters, sons, in-laws—all stayed in the same place.
LLL: So would you consider your kind of business a kind of black market business also?
ML: No, not Black Market.
LLL: Was it only among relatives?
ML: Yes. Because their need is greater than ours. So we can sell to them, but of course, take care that it is risky.
LLL: What about jewellery?
ML: Jewellery, you have it in person. And I remember, in order to be safe, it’s always wise that you have it in your hand. And people don’t question. You can put diamonds in a paper bag, and people won’t suspect. That was the kind. We shouldn’t rouse any suspicion.
LLL: Normally, who did you sell the jewellery to?
ML: Friends. As for this $30,000–$40,000 diamond, we sell to a relative’s husband. Not every day is a good day. That is a difficult thing to sell; cake is easy. But of course, you get better income, better profit.
…
LLL: At the time when you were dealing with rice and jewellery, were there any times when people came to you and said they wanted to buy from you?
ML: I have the things with me, then visit the friends that you think you may want to… so it’s not so bad. It’s either you are eager to do the business or not. If you are, you will walk even though it’s miles.
Further Reading:
Huff, Gregg. World War II and Southeast Asia: Economy and Society under Japanese Occupation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316162934.
Kratoska, Paul H., ed. Food Supplies and the Japanese Occupation in South-East Asia. London: Palgrave Macmillan Press, 1998. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26937-2.
Liao, Edgar Bolun. “Creating and Mobilizing ‘Syonan’ Youth: Youth and the Japanese Occupation of Singapore, 1942–1945.” Archipel 102 (December 31, 2021): 65–97. https://doi.org/10.4000/archipel.2620.
Musa, Mahani. “Malayan Women during the Japanese Occupation.” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 89, no. 2 (311) (December 2016): 101–24. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26527761.
World War II Singapore: The Chōsabu Reports on Syonan. Edited by Paul H. Kratoska. Singapore: NUS Press, 2018.
